Perhaps the most miscommunicated
part, misunderstood, and controversial part of the United States Constitution
is Article 1, Section 2, Clause 3, which reads:
Representatives and direct Taxes
shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this
Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by
adding to the whole number of free Persons, including those bound to Service
for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all
other Persons [italics added].
This is the enigmatic Three-Fifths
Clause which has been interpreted by liberals and conservatives alike as the
Constitution, until the addition of the Thirteenth Amendment, ascertained the
legal status of black slaves as only three-fifths of a person. Undoubtedly, the clause is referring to slaves
but not as to their legal status of personhood, but to how they were to be
counted in each state’s population for the number of representatives in the
House of Representative and for federal taxes.
Rather than being wicked, this
clause was a pragmatic barrier against largely slave-owning states using their
large slave populations to booster their numbers in the House of Representatives
and in the number of electors to choose the president. And this compromise in
the Constitutional Convention of 1787 was part of a larger debate of how the
Congress would be structured.
Cross-current with the slave debate
was the issue of large states and small states. Obviously, the smaller states did
not want to lose too much status and influence with the new national government
so the Senate would have two senators from each state regardless of population and
the House of Representatives based on the population of each state. To prevent
the largely Southern slave states having too much influence, the Three-Fifths
Compromise was introduced and quickly adopted at the convention.
The foundation of this compromise
was in the Confederation Congress as part of an amendment proposed in 1783 to
change the basis for determining the wealth of each state from real estate to
population for national tax obligations. Southern congressmen objected to this
new proposed tax base would include slaves. After debating one half and three
fourths proposals, the Congress settled on a three-fifths ratio, but it
ultimately failed to pass. Nevertheless,
it was the three-fifths ratio that surfaced in the debates in 1787.
To ascertain whether this clause
was successful in preventing undue Southern influence in the House of
Representatives, I created four tables based on the Federal censuses of 1790, 1800,
1810, and 1820. Each table lists the combined populations of northern states
and southern states with their combined slave populations. Additionally, I
included the percentage of slaves in the total populations of each region. To
ascertain the 3/5 adjustments for each region I subtracted 40 percent of the
slave population from the total population. I have also calculated the Southern
Power Index (SPI) after each census by dividing the two regional populations
and with the Northern Power Index being constantly maintained at 1.
Based upon this data, one can see
that Southern power was blunted in the House of Representatives and would
continue to do so. Northern states increased in population while lowering the
real numbers of their slaves. Southern states also increased in population but
the percentage of slaves of the total population in these states remained consistently
constant.
The United States would become a
continental power, but it was limited in the type of climate and land friendly
to the cotton economy which needed slaves. The last grasp of Southern power was
the Kansas-Nebraska controversy in the 1850s.
The clause was not successful in
helping elect a president until 1860. Of the fifteen presidents before Abraham
Lincoln, I count thirteen as either slaveowners, friendly to slaveowners, or
unable/unwilling to upset the system. I only consider John Adams and John
Quincy Adams truly opposed to slavery but lacking the power to end it as
Lincoln did.
Considering the narrow focus of the
Three-Fifths Clause I believe it was a successful pragmatic compromise. Our
Constitution does indeed recognize the reality of slavery but had in place this
mechanism for helping to end it. But this clause was not alone in this endeavor.
Two other factors were also in place-
1.
The constitutional ban on the slave trade after
1808. While the slave trade from Africa to the United States did continue, it did
so illegality and found itself at the mercy of British Royal Navy’s West Africa
Squadron and eventually by the United States Navy after the War of 1812.
2.
The Northwest Ordinance passed by the
Confederation Congress in 1787 even as the Constitutional Convention was
meeting. This ordinance was perhaps the greatest anti-slavery legislation passed
before the Civil War. The law, among other notable features, prohibited slavery
in the newly established Northwest Territory which included what is now Ohio,
Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. The Northwest Ordinance was
upheld by the new United States Congress in 1789
Our Founders were flawed men, with
their own passions and prejudices, biases and temptations. Yet morally, many,
if not most of them, understood slavery to be wrong. Realistically, however,
they could not “die on the hill” of ending slavery and keep intact our fragile constitutional
republic. Brilliantly, nevertheless, they played the long game to end slavery and
uphold our cherished values of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness by trusting
that “we the people” would ultimately find the way that they could not,
Table 1- 1790 CENSUS SPI:
0.89
|
REGION |
POPULATION |
SLAVES |
% SLAVES |
|
North (8 states) |
1,880,564 |
40,086 |
2.1 |
|
North 3/5 Adjustment |
1,864,530 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
|
South (7 states) |
1,926,677 |
654.121 |
34.0 |
|
South 3/5 Adjustment |
1,665,019 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
Table 2- 1800 CENSUS SPI:
0.96
|
REGION |
POPULATION |
SLAVES |
% SLAVES |
|
North (8 states) |
2,294,257 |
36,080 |
1.6 |
|
North 3/5 Adjustment |
2,279,825 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
|
South (8 states) |
2,534,688 |
851,532 |
33.6 |
|
South 3/5 Adjustment |
2,194,075 counted for federal representation & taxation |
||
Table 3- 1810 CENSUS SPI:
0.78
|
REGION |
POPULATION |
SLAVES |
% SLAVES |
|
North (10 states) |
3,717,483 |
27,081 |
0.7 |
|
North 3/5 Adjustment |
3.706,651 counted for federal representation & taxation |
||
|
South (8 states) |
3,319,126 |
1,103,700 |
33.3 |
|
South 3/5 Adjustment |
2,877,646 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
Table 4- 1820 CENSUS SPI:
0.68
|
REGION |
POPULATION |
SLAVES |
% SLAVES |
|
North (12 states) |
5,643,522 |
19,108 |
0.3 |
|
North 3/5 Adjustment |
5,635,879 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
|
South (12 states)* |
4,442,493 |
1,509,904 |
34.0 |
|
South 3/5 Adjustment |
3,838,531 counted for federal representation &
taxation |
||
*Includes Missouri which officially became s state in 1821
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